As the Irish Government puts together legislation to deal with the potential fallout from a ‘no deal’ Brexit, the situation in the UK becomes more farcical by the day. Donald Tusk made a fair point a few weeks back when he queried as to what part of hell is reserved for the Brexiteers who ploughed ahead without any plan or notion as to how the UK might disentangle itself from a legal and economic arrangement that has prevailed since 1973. The notion that the UK could exit easily and painlessly was always ridiculous, but those who voted for and pushed Brexit had as much understanding of how the world works as a catholic priest has about marriage.

It is becoming more apparent by the day that the toll being taken and that will be taken on the UK economy could be quite serious. Nissan, Toyota, BMW and Ford have already made significant announcements about how a ‘no deal’ Brexit will impact on their activities in the UK. This week Honda announced that it was ceasing manufacturing in Swindon by 2022, with the loss of 3,500 jobs. While Honda has made it clear that this decision was not motivated by Brexit, the truth is that when decisions are being taken about where to locate mobile manufacturing investment, why would one want to invest in a country that is walking away from free access to a market of 500 million people and a trading block that has and is continuing to negotiate trade deals with many other third countries. Furthermore, the farcical nature and behavior of UK politics over the past three years would not exactly entice investment in the jurisdiction. The future of car manufacturing in the UK is now under serious threat.

Over the past couple of years I have generally believed that the UK would eventually do a deal with the EU and that at that stage, the UK economy would rebound strongly as the paralysis caused to business investment and consumer behavior by the intense uncertainty would dissipate. However, with just thirty-five days to go to the exit date, we are no nearer a resolution and the damage being inflicted is becoming more permanent in nature.

It is hard to know what Theresa May’s strategy is or indeed if she has one at all. Perhaps she will take it to the wire and then present Parliament with a choice between her Withdrawal agreement and a hard Brexit. If that is her strategy, then it is a very risky one that could backfire very badly. The resignation of the seven Labour MPs from that dysfunctional party due to a combination of anti-Semitism and the party’s handling of Brexit is too little too late. The dysfunctional leadership of Jeremy Corbyn has been very obvious over the past couple of years, and he has always been strongly anti-EU. Why it took those seven until now to stand up and walk away from the party is anybody’s guess. More bizarrely, Corbyn has just re-admitted that radical left firebrand from my youth, Derek Hatton, to the party. Then three brave Tories jumped ship to follow the Labour renegades. One could not make it up, but it does not bode well for the UK and its reputation.

Only a fool or a charlatan could claim wisdom on what happens next, but the long-term damage to the UK economy and more particularly its reputation as a place in which to live, work, invest and do business, remains to be seen.

From Ireland’s perspective, the shenanigans across the Irish Sea, makes us look positively sane and sensible at this juncture. In a few weeks, Ireland looks set to become the only English speaking country in the EU (Malta aside); Cork will be the second largest English speaking city in the EU and Waterford will be the fifth largest. That surely will mean something positive for us?

Last week, the Central Statistics Office (CSO) published merchandise trade data for the full year, and it makes for pleasant reading. Overall merchandise exports expanded by 14.8 per cent, with sales to the Euro Zone expanding by 20.5 per cent, and the region accounted for 35.8 per cent of our total exports. Mind you, the increase of 38 percent in exports to Belgium does show how exports of pharmaceutical produces through that country distort the picture. Exports to the UK declined by 2.2 per cent, and the UK’s market share for Irish exports declined to 11.4 per cent. However, for food and live animal exports, the UK still accounted for 36.8 per cent of total export sales from the sector. Therein lies the challenge, particularly given the comments by Michael Gove this week in relation to the imposition of tariffs on agri-food imports in to the UK in the event of a no-deal Brexit.



After another eventful week in the UK it now appears possible that we are moving gradually towards some semblance of a soft deal on the Brexit front, or at least the prospect of a cliff-edge Brexit is possibly waning. March 13th will be a big day in that regard, but we can probably now afford to possess some sense of optimism than for some time. Of course such is the balminess of the UK political system at the moment, there is still potential for a shock, but the risks are declining due to the fact that some sane politicians who are committed to the greater good of the UK than their own selfish interests are at last starting to exert some muscle. It took a while, but better late than never. However, it would be naïve to under-estimate the skullduggery of the Brexiteers.

Hopefully, the avoidance of a hard-Brexit will give a significant boost to sterling and indeed to the UK economy. Both of those outcomes would be good news for the Irish economy and particularly for the very important agri-food and tourism components of the indigenous economy. Hopefully, not too much longer-term damage has been done to the UK economy by the lunacy that has characterized the country since June 2016. Some manufacturing activity will have been permanently lost, but hopefully other sectors will compensate. We need to be clear that a strong UK economy and a strong currency are undoubtedly in the best interests of the Irish economy.

The Irish labour market in general would benefit further from a stronger UK economy and from the boost to Irish exports that would result from a stronger UK currency, on both the services and the goods side of the export sector. Such a boost to a labour market that is already performing very strongly could be a double edge sword in the sense that it would serve to exacerbate the likelihood of labour shortages and retention and recruitment difficulties in both the public and private sectors of the economy. However, this would still be a better outcome than the employment shock that would definitely result from the UK crashing out of the EU without a deal.

The latest labour market data relating to the final quarter of 2018 shows that employment increased by 50,500 or 2.3 per cent in the year to December to reach 2.28 million, which is the highest level of employment ever recorded in the Irish economy. The annual growth rate did slow from a rate of 3 per cent in the previous quarter and 3.1 per cent a year earlier, but rather than interpreting anything negative, this probably reflects a combination of Brexit induced caution and recruitment difficulties in a labour market that is definitely tightening.

Following the crash in 2008, few believed that the Irish labour market would rebound in the manner that it has. 2012 was the low point of the employment market, and in the six-year period to the final quarter of 2018, overall employment has increased by 387,700 or 20.5 per cent. Over the six-year period all sectors, with the exception of agriculture, recorded growth in employment. The construction sector leads the way with an increase of 58,900, and the accommodation and food services sector came a close second, with an increase of 52,000. The total at work in agriculture declined by 2,900, which is indicative of difficulty recruiting, difficult trading conditions for some components of the sector, particularly beef, and the automation of farming in general, but the dairy sector in particular. All in all it is a positive labour market story, but one that will undoubtedly present its own challenges over the next couple of years as wages rise and recruitment and retention challenges start to become more acute.

At the annual conference of central bankers in Jackson Hole Wyoming last August, the main theme was the failure of virtual full employment in the US to translate into wage pressures. According to the minutes of the last meeting of the European Central Bank, a similar theme was explored in relation to the Euro Zone. The breakdown in the transmission of employment growth into wage growth is puzzling central bankers. Interestingly, in Ireland the latest data show that average weekly earnings increased by 4.1 per cent in the year to the final quarter of 2018. Wage pressures are starting to build here and a soft-Brexit will likely exacerbate those pressures.


I recently completed a report on the online gambling market in Ireland to investigate claims by PLI that online gambling companies pose a threat to the funding of good causes by the National Lottery. PLI has described those companies as ‘parasites that should not be allowed offer odds on the lottery numbers. For a full copy of the report please click here.




On Tuesday next the Minister for Finance Paschal Donohoe will present his third and very possibly the last budget of the current administration. He has been lucky in the sense that the budgets over which he has presided have been prepared against a positive domestic economic backdrop and the global economy has been behaving itself. As a consequence, he did not have to make the difficult choices faced by his predecessors and really only had to decide where to apportion his largesse. However, the stakes are now rising, as the farcical evolution of the Brexit process in the UK promises to do serious damage to important sectors of the Irish economy.
Some of what we have been treated to over the past few days in relation to Brexit should worry us. Arlene Foster’s bizarre comments about the Good Friday Agreement should worry everybody on this island, and particularly those who make their living around the Border region. The stance being taken by Boris is even more bizarre and with every day that passes, the possibility of a very dangerous Brexit outcome is becoming more real.
Paschal Donohoe needs to ‘Brexit proof’ those parts of the economy and those regions that are most vulnerable. Increasing the VAT rate for the hospitality sector would be pure and utter folly and would not take account of business conditions and employment in rural Ireland and the risks they face from Brexit. Between the second quarter of 2011 and the second quarter of 2018, employment in the Accommodation and Food Services sector has increased by 60,400 and the sector now employs 177,100 people, many of whom live in rural Ireland, and particular in the very vulnerable Border counties. To increase the VAT rate for a sector that is so vital to the competitiveness of the Irish tourism product does not make sense. Furthermore, to increase the VAT rate on newspapers would just be another nail in the media coffin.
Michael Noonan and the late great Brian Lenihan have left a strong legacy from their periods in Merrion Street. Whether one agrees or disagrees with the policies they pursued, it is a fact that they presided over the most difficult set of circumstances in modern Irish history and incredibly difficult decisions had to be taken. It is also a fact that the Irish economy today is in the best place for over a decade, and both men should take at least some credit for that. There are obviously many more problems to overcome, but at least we are moving firmly in the right direction.
It remains to be seen what the legacy of Paschal Donohoe will be, but I strongly suspect that it will be a positive one, that is unless he is tripped up by Brexit. I am sure his budget speech next week will contain at least one reference to ‘Brexit proofing’ the Irish economy, and if it doesn’t, then it certainly should. Brexit potentially represents the most significant challenge faced by many sectors of the Irish economy since the crash, and we need to ensure that in the event of a bad outcome, the economy will be as resilient as possible.
Maintaining the special VAT rate at 9 per cent in a sector of the economy that has been so successful in delivering jobs, and one which is now facing immense challenges from Brexit, would make a very positive statement about a real conviction to ‘Brexit proof’ the economy. Any increase in this VAT rate would not be good for the profitability and employment in the hospitality or newspaper sector and would just serve to exacerbate the challenges posed by Brexit. The special VAT rate is a key element of the competitiveness of the Irish tourism sector and should not be sacrificed to trade unions and other interests who seem to have a significant problem with a sector of the economy that supports so many jobs and which is integral to the health and wellbeing of rural Ireland. Of course, an increase in the VAT rate would in the near-term help the public sector unions in their push to increase the public sector pay bill. Please Minister, do the right thing on Tuesday!



In the overall scheme of things, Ireland is a tiny country with a population of just 4.7 million people, albeit a population that is rising strongly. As a country we do many things well, such as attracting foreign direct investment, providing a decent enough education to our children, and we are pretty good at tourism as demonstrated by the fact that this year is likely to see another record number of overseas visitors coming into the country. We have also produced some world-class companies such as CRH, Smurfit Kappa, Glanbia and Ryanair. In recent days the Taoiseach boasted/joked that Ireland would be able to help out the UK after Brexit. I hope he was joking, because the one thing we cannot afford to be in this country is arrogant. We have way too many institutional failures to even contemplate arrogance.
On the debit side of the balance sheet, there are a lot of issues that we seem incapable of dealing with.
In terms of minding our environment and meeting our international environmental obligations, the country just does not cut the muster and unfortunately is languishing towards the bottom of the EU league table. Ireland will go nowhere close to achieving its Carbon emission targets and we will then be exposed to potentially very significant EU fines, or at least I hope that is what will happen, given our abject failure and unwillingness to tackle the issue in a meaningful way. The total failure to address the issue in the recent extremely populist budget, is proof positive of this fact.
This week the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) reported that 38 towns and villages across the State are discharging raw sewage into the environment, and 28 large towns and cities are discharging inadequately treated sewage into the environment. Is this acceptable in a supposed first-world economy? I think not.
The ongoing failure to provide a broadband service remotely approaching acceptable standards across many parts of the country is also a total joke, but unfortunately one that has serious consequences for regional businesses across the country. The recent political controversy over this issue is just the latest instalment in what has been a tale of woe and gross ineptitude stretching back over many years.
The housing situation is another very significant debit entry on the national balance sheet. Having built thousands of houses in the run up to the crash, unfortunately many of which were in the wrong locations, we then virtually stopped building for a number of years, despite the fact that natural population growth was never likely to die away. We now have a serious crisis in supplying owner-occupied and rental housing and it is starting to do significant damage to the economy and its competitiveness. Earlier this week we were treated to a story about thousands of local authority properties lying idle and unoccupied. This is totally unacceptable. The responsible local authorities need to ensure that such houses turn over and are occupied within a matter of weeks. Perhaps that is too much to ask for, but I remain to be convinced.
On the health side, there is also a litany of failure. Hospital waiting lists are at unacceptably high levels, people are dying waiting for treatments, the primary healthcare system is creaking at the edges and is set to get much worse as the supply of GPs dwindles, and important regional cities such as Waterford cannot provide cardiac care at weekends. I could go on, but it is clear that despite all of the money we throw at the health service, the ability, or lack of it, to deliver an acceptable service is quite depressing. If we cannot deliver an adequate service at the moment, one shudders to think about what it will be like over the coming years as the population ages at a significant pace.
Predictably, some will argue that we simply do not spend enough money in addressing these issues, but there would appear to be little correlation between money expended and improved public services.
On cannot but jump to the conclusion that our institutional structures are all wrong and are not fit for purpose, and that our political system and our political elites are letting us down very badly. Instead of being arrogant about what we achieve, we should recognise and address that which we appear incapable of achieving.



As usual Ireland’s presidential election was a fractious affair, which demonstrates just how worked up and vitriolic people can become in relation to an issue that is of trivial significance at best. The only memorable part of the election and its aftermath was initially the somewhat unorthodox interventions of Peter Casey, which clearly struck a chord with rural dwellers in particular who are fed up of feeling under threat in their homes and in their economic lives, and then the reaction of all the closed-minded liberals in the aftermath of the election result. Less attention has focused on the anti-democratic behaviour of the two largest parties in our system who were afraid to put their own candidate forward and expected their supporters to vote for an individual that many of their voters were deeply uncomfortable with. Strange behaviour, but I guess it just reflects how totally irrelevant the role of President is in the Irish political system.
It remains to be seen how politically enduring Peter Casey will prove to be or indeed if there is any legacy from his spectacular electoral performance, at least viewed in the context of where the opinion polls had placed him prior to the election. The somewhat anti-establishment views of Casey resonated with many people and possibly is just another small indication of some very interesting trends in global politics.
Whatever the significance of Casey’s performance, it is clear that there are strange political stirrings all over the world that could have deep implications for the rest of our lives. The election of Donald Trump and the Brexit vote in the UK are examples, but the list is growing. Austria, Poland, Hungary and Italy now have strong ring-wing governments and are starting to push policy agendas that very definitely do not fit into the rule book of the European Union.
The ongoing spat between the Italian Government and the European Commission over Italian budgetary policy, which has seen the Commission reject Italy’s budget for 2019, is very significant as it poses an existential challenge to the power of the all-powerful and unelected European Commission. It is possible that the Italian government will back down and revise its budget plans, which is what normally happens in such situations, but if it refuses to do so, it could be the portent of much more challenging times ahead for the whole EU project.
Earlier this week one of the most enduring political forces in post-war Europe, Angela Merkel, stated that she is standing down as leader of Germany’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU) after 18 years and will leave political life in 2021. Merkel has undoubtedly been the sane and sensible leader of the free world in recent years (not a lot of competition) and was a beacon of light in the face of the disruptive politics and behaviour of Donald Trump. The steady and mostly sensible approach that she adopted in the face of the EU economic and financial crisis was undoubtedly key to the survival of the Euro Zone. While here in this country we may not have liked or agreed with her approach to the banking crisis in particular, she did what she believed necessary to ensure the survival of the whole EU project.
Her open attitude to immigration was effectively her undoing and set her up as a viable target for the right wing AfD party. This effectively destroyed her real power base and heralded the end of her incredible reign. Her successor will have big shoes to fill, but more importantly, the EU will miss her steadying influence.
Meanwhile in troubled Brazil, far-right politician Jair Bolsonaro won the presidential election and has promised sweeping economic reforms in an economy that is struggling badly at the moment. In his first interview he has proposed to set targets for Brazil’s exchange rates, which will not go down well with markets who had expected a much more liberal approach to economic policy. Brazil was constantly heralded in recent years as a big emerging market story, but its economy is now a total shambles, and hence the rise of a much more radical political force.
Global politics is delivering some strange things at the moment and it only looks set to get much more extreme.



The motor industry provides a very good barometer for the overall economy, and particularly how business and consumers view the world. Following the severe economic correction that occurred back in 2008, new car sales literally drove over a cliff and went into free fall in 2009 to reach just over 57,000. This created serious problems for what is a very important sector of the economy, and one that provides employment in every small town around the country, not to mention the larger towns and cities. Then in line with the broader economic recovery, new car sales recovered strongly and almost 147,000 new cars were registered in 2016. At this stage the future looked bright for the market, but then the Brexit vote happened and new car sales declined by over 10 per cent in 2017 and in the first 10 months of 2018, a decline of 4.4 per cent has been recorded.

The decline in new car sales since 2016 has occurred despite what has been in theory a very supportive economic background. Employment is growing strongly and reached a record high in the second quarter of this year; the unemployment rate has come down from 16 per cent in 2012 to just 5.3 per cent at the moment; and growth in gross domestic product has been very impressive.

The key factor that has undermined new car sales has been the substantial decline in the value of sterling. The weakness of sterling has made used imports from the UK very attractive. A car costing £14,480 (sterling) in 2018 would be €3,553 cheaper in 2018 than in 2015. In 2017, we imported just over 93,000 used cars, mostly from the UK, and in the first 10 months of this year, an annual increase of almost 9 per cent has been recorded, taking the total to 86,418. For 2018 as whole, it is likely that close to 125,500 new cars will be sold and used imports look set to come close to 100,000.

For the car buyer, the savings to be made on a used import are significant based on currency and taxation differentials. However, there are a number of downsides for Ireland as whole. Cheaper used imports are devaluing the price of domestic second hand cars and this is widening the financial gap between the value of a trade in and a new car. Used imports are displacing new car sales and this is squeezing new car dealers. In addition, the cost to the Exchequer is substantial. For the average new car sold, the Exchequer collects €9,348 in VAT and VRT, whereas for the average car imported from the UK, the Exchequer collects just €3,300. There is also a negative environmental impact. New cars typically are more environmentally friendly than older ones, so there is a distinct risk that we are just filling up our roads with older higher emission vehicles.

Government is obviously oblivious to these downsides, as evidenced by the increase of 1 per cent in the VRT rate for all diesel cars registered from January 1st 2019. Surely it would have made more sense to apply the increase to used cars alone?

In 2017, diesel cars accounted for 65.2 per cent of total new registrations compared to 70.1 per cent in 2016. In the first 10 months of 2018, diesel cars accounted for 54.5 per cent of total new registrations, with petrol cars accounting for 38.5 per cent of the total. There is a move away from diesel, but electric cars remain an exotic rarity.

On a more positive note, Light Commercial Vehicle (LCV) registrations have expanded by 5.9 per cent in first 10 months of the year, which is a strong and positive indicator of business confidence and investment.

Looking ahead to 2019, it remains to be seen how the new car market will evolve. The doubt revolves around the trajectory of sterling, which in turn will be heavily influenced by that great imponderable, Brexit. Meanwhile, the overall motor industry will continue to deal with a personal sector that is craving value for money and which is still financially pressurized due to a combination of the high personal tax burden, rising expenditure on housing and subdued wage growth. Furthermore, consumer confidence is still quite fragile as Brexit concerns continue to dominate.

Based on what we know at the moment, it appears likely that new car sales will decline further in 2019, but at least the environment for the industry is still a lot better than a decade ago. Apart from the ongoing pressure on new car sales, the biggest problem for the sector will most likely be posed by labour shortages and specifically the lack of technically qualified workers.



A few weeks back I argued in this piece and elsewhere that the Minister for Finance should adopt a very cautious approach to Budget 2019. I suggested that injecting fiscal stimulus into an economy that is growing quite strongly would not be sensible and that Ireland’s level of government debt, properly measured, is still dangerously high. Specifically, I argued that the Universal Social Charge (USC) should not be altered in the budget and that no more people should be taken out of the tax net through changes to that tax. While the USC was introduced as a temporary measure in a time of deep crisis, its one positive attribute is that it helped broaden the tax base. Narrowing the tax base as we did in the run up to 2007 was a disastrous policy mistake that we must not make again.
Earlier this week, I received a letter from a gentleman in South County Dublin who is clearly not terribly happy with my views and for the first time in my life I was accused of having left-wing tendencies. That came as a bit of a shock to my system, putting it mildly. He suggested that I might be ‘better employed in thinking about the business owners who have to work so hard and take so many risks to provide for themselves and their families’. He also expressed the view that economists ‘in their ivory towers sit back and while away their days playing with spreadsheets, graphs and statistics, seeking to find yet more gimmick (sic) to screw the punter’. He seems to have ignored the fact that in my analysis I also argued that in Budget 2019, Government should do nothing to increase the costs of doing business and that on the contrary, every effort should be made to support indigenous Irish businesses in particular, including retention of the 9 per cent VAT rate for the hospitality sector. I also suggested that all forms of Government expenditure should be tightly controlled.
In fairness to the letter writer, he gave his name, address and mobile phone number, which is a welcome change from the usual anonymous abuse that I get. However, I remain unrepentant about the main premise of what I was advising. Injecting excessive fiscal stimulus into an economy that is growing quite strongly would not be appropriate and it is mad that Ireland should still be running budget deficits at this stage of the economic cycle. Ireland’s level of Government debt is dangerously high and creates a massive vulnerability for the economy when it is inevitably hit with some economic shock. Tax concessions in the budget should in my view, be focused on lifting the threshold at which one ends up paying the high marginal rate of tax. Furthermore, all forms of Government expenditure should be tightly controlled and all populist pressures to increase universal payments should be resisted.
Last week the Exchequer returns to the end of August showed that the Government ran a deficit of €1.8 billion in the first eight months of the year. Tax revenues are running 5.1 per cent ahead of last year, while total net voted expenditure was running 8.3 per cent ahead. Not surprisingly, the Department of Health is the main contributor. These details and others with the overall returns show that the public finance situation is nothing like as positive as it should be.
The obvious risk is that the economy is hit with some internal or more likely external shock, and very quickly the precarious nature of the public finances would be cruelly exposed. However, there is a longer-term structural issue that is of much more concern, namely the outlook for Ireland’s demographics.
The Department of Finance has just published a report analysing the impact of population ageing on the public finances. The key conclusion is that shifting demographics in the coming decades will result in a slower pace of economic expansion and put significant pressure on the public finances. An ageing population will put obvious pressures on health and pension expenditure, but tax revenues would also be affected. Now is the time to lay the foundations to cope with this inevitability. Much can and should be done with domestic policies, but inward migration will also have to be a key part of the solution. Wouldn’t it be nice to see our political system take a long-term strategic view for a change?



With less than three weeks to go to the delivery of Budget 2019, the pressure on the Minister for Finance is intensifying on many different fronts. At the annual ploughing event this week, considerable dissatisfaction was expressed about the plight of farmers and many of them suggested that Government was not doing enough to help them in what is a difficult year. It is indeed a difficult year for farmers and could become considerably more difficult over the coming months. However, this is due to weather conditions and is certainly not the fault of Government.
It was a very long and difficult winter, during which many farmers ran out of fodder. This was then followed by a very dry summer, particularly in the South East. Silage yields are likely to be down and if a smaller silage harvest is combined with a very low level of fodder stocks carried over from last year, it could be a challenging winter. Of course, the big imponderable will be weather conditions in the coming winter and spring. Another bad winter will cause enormous difficulties for farmers and could cause serious financial difficulties for those farmers who have invested heavily in dairy expansion, for example. Then of course there is the added dimension of Brexit. We still have little idea as to how this will unfold, and while the suggestions are that a compromise deal will be achieved, the agricultural sector is by a country mile the most exposed part of the economy in the event of anything other than a very soft form of Brexit.
Not surprisingly, the view of many farmers is that the Minister for Finance should open the purse strings and help them through their difficult times. The problem of course is that every other interest group across the economy will be looking for more money, with the overruns on the health side of particular concern. The report issued this week by the Irish Taxation Institute contained no surprises, but highlights again the extent to which the tax burden on personal tax payers has increased over the past decade. I could go on, but it is blindingly obvious that the Minister for Finance will find it a real challenge to balance the insatiable demands for more resources with the reality that those resources are extremely limited.
The external risks to the Irish economy will have to be the guiding principle for the Minister in framing Budget 2019 rather than sectoral interest groups.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) issued a pretty stark warning this week about the impact of a ‘no deal’ scenario for the UK economy. However, it also stated that all the likely Brexit scenarios will have costs for the UK economy. As the single most important export market for indigenous Irish exporters, the risks to the real Irish economy are very clear and very stark.
Last weekend, Nouriel Roubini, who is a professor at NYU’s Stern School of Business, and a guy who proved very prescient a decade ago, issued some pretty stark warnings about the real risks to the global economy. He cited a number of risk factors, including the unsustainable nature of US fiscal policy; an overheated US economy and the consequent upside for US interest rates; rising inflation and interest rates in other economies; Trump’s trade dispute with China, which incidentally saw further tariffs on $200 billion worth of Chinese goods being announced this week; Trump’s policies towards immigration and critical investment; fragile emerging markets; the debt dynamics in the Euro Zone and the still incomplete monetary union; and the vulnerability of frothy equity markets.
His key point is that in the event of these risk factors feeding through to economic difficulties, policy makers will not have much ammunition in their arsenals to tackle the problems, unlike a decade ago when sharp interest rate cuts, Quantitative Easing and fiscal expansion were all possibilities. There is limited scope for any of these policy options today. He concludes that ‘when it comes, the next crisis and recession could be even more severe and prolonged than the last’.
For a country such as Ireland, with a very high and dangerous level of government debt and with a very stretched housing market, the risks are very real. The Minister for Finance will need to be mindful of the vulnerabilities of the small open Irish economy and adopt a very conservative and cautious approach to fiscal policy in Budget 2019.